Subject:
Re: Patton's warning.
Date:
Tue, 24 Sep 2002 19:02:17 ‑0500
From:
Joe Gillaspie <[email protected]>
To:
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GENERAL PATTON'S WARNING
September 23 2002 at 1:11 PM
E.T. (no login)
GENERAL PATTON'S WARNING
At the end of World War II, one of America's top military leaders
accurately assessed the shift in the balance of world power which that
war had produced and foresaw the enormous danger of communist aggression
against the West. Alone among U.S. leaders he warned that America should
act immediately, while her supremacy was unchallengeable, to end that
danger. Unfortunately, his warning went unheeded, and he was quickly
silenced by a convenient "accident" which took his life.
Thirty‑two years ago, in the terrible summer of 1945, the U.S. Army had
just completed the destruction of Europe and had set up a government of
military occupation amid the ruins to rule the starving Germans and deal
out victors' justice to the vanquished. General George S. Patton,
commander of the U.S. Third Army, became military governor of the greater
portion of the American occupation zone of Germany.
Patton was regarded as the "fightingest" general in all the Allied
forces. He was considerably more audacious and aggressive than most
commanders, and his martial ferocity may very well have been the deciding
factor which led to the Allied victory. He personally commanded his
forces in many of the toughest and most decisive battles of the war: in
Tunisia, in Sicily, in the cracking of the Siegried Line, in holding back
the German advance during the Battle of the Bulge, in the exceptionally
bloody fighting around Bastogne in December 1944 and January 1945.
During the war Patton had respected the courage and the fighting
qualities of the Germans ‑‑ especially when he compared them with those
of some of America's allies ‑‑ but he had also swallowed whole the
hate‑inspired wartime propaganda generated by America's alien media
masters. He believed Germany was a menace to America's freedom and that
Germany's National Socialist government was an especially evil
institution. Acting on these beliefs he talked incessantly of his desire
to kill as many Germans as possible, and he exhorted his troops to have
the same goal. These bloodthirsty exhortations led to the nickname "Blood
and Guts" Patton.
It was only in the final days of the war and during his tenure as
military governor of Germany ‑‑ after he had gotten to know both the
Germans and America's "gallant Soviet allies" ‑‑ that Patton's
understanding of the true situation grew and his opinions changed. In his
diary and in many letters to his family, friends, various military
colleagues, and government officials, he expressed his new understanding
and his apprehensions for the future. His diary and his letters were
published in 1974 by the Houghton Mifflin Company under the title The
Patton Papers.
Several months before the end of the war, General Patton had recognized
the fearful danger to the West posed by the Soviet Union, and he had
disagreed bitterly with the orders which he had been given to hold back
his army and wait for the Red Army to occupy vast stretches of German,
Czech, Rumanian, Hungarian, and Yugoslav territory, which the Americans
could have easily taken instead.
On May 7, 1945, just before the German capitulation, Patton had a
conference in Austria with U.S. Secretary of War Robert Patterson. Patton
was gravely concerned over the Soviet failure to respect the demarcation
lines separating the Soviet and American occupation zones. He was also
alarmed by plans in Washington for the immediate partial demobilization
of the U.S. Army.
Patton said to Patterson: "Let's keep our boots polished, bayonets
sharpened, and present a picture of force and strength to the Red Army.
This is the only language they understand and respect."
Patterson replied, "Oh, George, you have been so close to this thing so
long, you have lost sight of the big picture."
Patton rejoined: "I understand the situation. Their (the Soviet) supply
system is inadequate to maintain them in a serious action such as I could
put to them. They have chickens in the coop and cattle on the hoof ‑‑
that's their supply system. They could probably maintain themselves in
the type of fighting I could give them for rive days. After that it would
make no difference how many million men they have, and if you wanted
Moscow I could give it to you. They lived on the land coming down. There
is insufficient left for them to maintain themselves going back. Let's
not give them time to build up their supplies. If we do, then . . . we
have had a victory over the Germans and disarmed them, but we have failed
in the liberation of Europe; we have lost the war!"
Patton's urgent and prophetic advice went unheeded by Patterson and the
other politicians and only served to give warning about Patton's feelings
to the alien conspirators behind the scenes in New York, Washington, and
Moscow.
The more he saw of the Soviets, the stronger Patton's conviction grew
that the proper course of action would be to stifle communism then and
there, while the chance existed. Later in May 1945 he attended several
meetings and social affairs with top Red Army officers, and he evaluated
them carefully. He noted in his diary on May 14: "I have never seen in
any army at any time, including the German Imperial Army of 1912, as
severe discipline as exists in the Russian army. The officers, with few
exceptions, give the appearance of recently civilized Mongolian bandits."
And Patton's aide, General Hobart Gay, noted in his own journal for May
14: "Everything they (the Russians) did impressed one with the idea of
virility and cruelty."
Nevertheless, Patton knew that the Americans could whip the Reds then ‑‑
but perhaps not later. On May 18 he noted in his diary: "In my opinion,
the American Army as it now exists could beat the Russians with the
greatest of ease, because, while the Russians have good infantry, they
are lacking in artillery, air, tanks, and in the knowledge of the use of
the combined arms, whereas we excel in all three of these. If it should
be necessary to right the Russians, the sooner we do it the better."
Two days later he repeated his concern when he wrote his wife: "If we
have to fight them, now is the time. >From now on we will get weaker and
they stronger."
Having immediately recognized the Soviet danger and urged a course of
action which would have freed all of eastern Europe from the communist
yoke with the expenditure of far less American blood than was spilled in
Korea and Vietnam and would have obviated both those later wars not to
mention World War III ‑‑ Patton next came to appreciate the true nature
of the people for whom World War II was fought: the Jews.
Most of the Jews swarming over Germany immediately after the war came
from Poland and Russia, and Patton found their personal habits shockingly
uncivilized.
He was disgusted by their behavior in the camps for Displaced Persons
(DP's) which the Americans built for them and even more disgusted by the
way they behaved when they were housed in German hospitals and private
homes. He observed with horror that "these people do not understand
toilets and refuse to use them except as repositories for tin cans,
garbage, and refuse . . . They decline, where practicable, to use
latrines, preferring to relieve themselves on the floor."
He described in his diary one DP camp, "where, although room existed, the
Jews were .crowded together to an appalling extent, and in practically
every room there was a pile of garbage in one corner which was also used
as a latrine. The Jews were only forced to desist from their nastiness
and clean up the mess by the threat of the butt ends of rifles. Of
course, I know the expression 'lost tribes of Israel' applied to the
tribes which disappeared ‑‑ not to the tribe of Judah from which the
current sons of bitches are descended. However, it is my personal opinion
that this too is a lost tribe ‑‑ lost to all decency."
Patton's initial impressions of the Jews were not improved when he
attended a Jewish religious service at Eisenhower's insistence. His diary
entry for September 17, 1945, reads in part: "This happened to be the
feast of Yom Kippur, so they were all collected in a large, wooden
building, which they called a synagogue. It behooved General Eisenhower
to make a speech to them. We entered the synagogue, which was packed with
the greatest stinking bunch of humanity I have ever seen. When we got
about halfway up, the head rabbi, who was dressed in a fur hat similar to
that worn by Henry VIII of England and in a surplice heavily embroidered
and very filthy, came down and met the General . . . The smell was so
terrible that I almost fainted and actually about three hours later lost
my lunch as the result of remembering it."
These experiences and a great many others firmly convinced Patton that
the Jews were an especially unsavory variety of creature and hardly
deserving of all the official concern the American government was
bestowing on them. Another September diary entry, following a demand from
Washington that more German housing be turned over to Jews, summed up his
feelings: "Evidently the virus started by Morgenthau and Baruch of a
Semitic revenge against all Germans is still working. Harrison (a U.S.
State Department official) and his associates indicate that they feel
German civilians should be removed from houses for the purpose of housing
Displaced Persons. There are two errors in this assumption. First, when
we remove an individual German we punish an individual German, while the
punishment is ‑‑ not intended for the individual but for the race,
Furthermore, it is against my Anglo‑Saxon conscience to remove a person
from a house, which is a punishment, without due process of law. In the
second place, Harrison and his ilk believe that the Displaced Person is a
human being, which he is not, and this applies particularly to the Jews,
who are lower than animals."
One of the strongest factors in straightening out General Patton's
thinking on the conquered Germans was the behavior of America's
controlled news media toward them. At a press conference in Regensburg,
Germany, on May 8, 1945, immediately after Germany's surrender, Patton
was asked whether he planned to treat captured SS troops differently from
other German POW's. His answer was: "No. SS means no more in Germany than
being a Democrat in America ‑‑ that is not to be quoted. I mean by that
that initially the SS people were special sons of bitches, but as the war
progressed they ran out of sons of bitches and then they put anybody in
there. Some of the top SS men will be treated as criminals, but there is
no reason for trying someone who was drafted into this outfit . . ."
Despite Patton's request that his remark not be quoted, the press eagerly
seized on it, and Jews and their front men in America screamed in outrage
over Patton's comparison of the SS and the Democratic Party as well as
over his announced intention of treating most SS prisoners humanely.
Patton refused to take hints from the press, however, and his
disagreement with the American occupation policy formulated in Washington
grew. Later in May he said to his brother‑in‑law: "I think that this
non‑fraternization is very stupid. If we are going to keep American
soldiers in a country, they have to have some civilians to talk to.
Furthermore, I think we could do a lot for the German civilians by
letting our soldiers talk to their young people."
Various of Patton's colleagues tried to make it perfectly clear what was
expected of him. One politically ambitious officer, Brig. Gen. Philip S.
Gage, anxious to please the powers that be, wrote to Patton: "Of course,
I know that even your extensive powers are limited, but I do hope that
wherever and whenever you can you will do what you can to make the German
populace suffer. For God's sake, please don't ever go soft in regard to
them. Nothing could ever be too bad for them."
But Patton continued to do what he thought was right, whenever he could.
With great reluctance, and only after repeated promptings from
Eisenhower, he had thrown German families out of their homes to make room
for more than a million Jewish DP's ‑‑ part of the famous "six million"
who had supposedly been gassed ‑‑ but he balked when ordered to begin
blowing up German factories, in accord with the infamous Morgenthau Plan
to destroy Germany's economic basis forever. In his diary he wrote: "I
doubted the expediency of blowing up factories, because the ends for
which the factories are being blown up ‑‑ that is, preventing Germany
from preparing for war ‑‑ can be equally well attained through the
destruction of their machinery, while the buildings can be used to house
thousands of homeless persons."
Similarly, he expressed his doubts to his military colleagues about the
overwhelming emphasis being placed on the persecution of every German who
had formerly been a member of the National Socialist party. In a letter
to his wife of September 14, 1945, he said: "I am frankly opposed to this
war criminal stuff . It is not cricket and is Semitic. I am also opposed
to sending POW's to work as slaves in foreign lands, where many will be
starved to death."
Despite his disagreement with official policy, Patton followed the rules
laid down by Morgenthau and others back in Washington as closely as his
conscience would allow, but he tried to moderate the effect, and this
brought him into increasing conflict with Eisenhower and the other
politically ambitious generals. In another letter to his wife he
commented: "I have been at Frankfurt for a civil government conference.
If what we are doing (to the Germans) is 'Liberty, then give me death.' I
can't see how Americans can sink so low. It is Semitic, and I am sure of
it."
And in his diary he noted:, "Today we received orders . . . in which we
were told to give the Jews special accommodations. If for Jews, why not
Catholics, Mormons, etc? . . . We are also turning over to the French
several hundred thousand prisoners of war to be used as slave labor in
France. It is amusing to recall that we fought the Revolution in defense
of the rights of man and the Civil War to abolish slavery and have now
gone back on both principles."
His duties as military governor took Patton to all parts of Germany and
intimately acquainted him with the German people and their condition. He
could not help but compare them with the French, the Italians, the
Belgians, and even the British. This comparison gradually forced him to
the conclusion that World War II had been fought against the wrong
people.
After a visit to ruined Berlin, he wrote his wife on July 21, 1945:
"Berlin gave me the blues. We have destroyed what could have been a good
race, and we are about to replace them with Mongolian savages. And all
Europe will be communist. It's said that for the first week after they
took it (Berlin), all women who ran were shot and those who did not were
raped. I could have taken it (instead of the Soviets) had I been
allowed."
This conviction, that the politicians had used him and the U.S. Army for
a criminal purpose, grew in the following weeks. During a dinner with
French General Alphonse Juin in August, Patton was surprised to find the
Frenchman in agreement with him. His diary entry for August 18 quotes
Gen. Juin: "It is indeed unfortunate, mon General, that the English and
the Americans have destroyed in Europe the only sound country ‑‑ and I do
not mean France. Therefore, the road is now open for the advent of
Russian communism."
Later diary entries and letters to his wife reiterate this same
conclusion. On August 31 he wrote: "Actually, the Germans are the only
decent people left in Europe. it's a choice between them and the
Russians. I prefer the Germans." And on September 2: "What we are doing
is to destroy the only semi‑modern state in Europe, so that Russia can
swallow the whole."
By this time the Morgenthauists and media monopolists had decided that
Patton was incorrigible and must be discredited. So they began a non‑stop
hounding of him in the press, a la Watergate, accusing him of being "soft
on Nazis" and continually recalling an incident in which he had slapped a
shirker two years previously, during the Sicily campaign. A New York
newspaper printed the completely false claim that when Patton had slapped
the soldier who was Jewish, he had called him a "yellow‑bellied Jew."
Then, in a press conference on September 22, reporters hatched a scheme
to needle Patton into losing his temper and making statements which could
be used against him. The scheme worked. The press interpreted one of
Patton's answers to their insistent questions as to why he was not
pressing the Nazi‑hunt hard enough as: "The Nazi thing is just like a
Democrat‑Republican fight." The New York Times headlined this quote, and
other papers all across America picked it up.
The unmistakable hatred which had been directed at him during this press
conference finally opened Patton's eyes fully as to what was afoot. In
his diary that night lie wrote: "There is a very apparent Semitic
influence in the press. They are trying to do two things: first,
implement communism, and second, see that all businessmen of German
ancestry and non‑Jewish antecedents are thrown out of their jobs. They
have utterly lost the Anglo‑Saxon conception of justice and feel that a
man can be kicked out because somebody else says he is a Nazi. They were
evidently quite shocked when I told them I would kick nobody out without
the successful proof of guilt before a court of law . . . Another point
which the press harped on was the fact that we were doing too much for
the Germans to the detriment of the DP's, most of whom are Jews. I could
not give the answer to that one, because the answer is that, in my
opinion and that of most nonpolitical officers, it is vitally necessary
for us to build Germany up now as a buffer state against Russia. In fact,
I am afraid we have waited too long."
And in a letter of the same date to his wife: "I will probably be in the
headlines before you get this, as the press is trying to quote me as
being more interested in restoring order in Germany than in catching
Nazis. I can't tell them the truth that unless we restore Germany we will
insure that communism takes America."
Eisenhower responded immediately to the press outcry against Patton and
made the decision to relieve him of his duties as military governor and
"kick him upstairs" as the commander of the Fifteenth Army. In a letter
to his wife on September 29, Patton indicated that he was, in a way, not
unhappy with his new assignment, because "I would like it much better
than being a sort of executioner to the best race in Europe."
But even his change of duties did not shut Patton up. In his diary entry
of October 1 we find the observation: "In thinking over the situation, I
could not but be impressed with the belief that at the present moment the
unblemished record of the American Army for non‑political activities is
about to be lost. Everyone seems to be more interested in the effects
which his actions will have on his political future than in carrying out
the motto of the United States Military Academy, 'Duty, Honor, Country.'
I hope that after the current crop of political aspirants has been
gathered our former tradition will be restored."
And Patton continued to express these sentiments to his friends ‑‑ and
those he thought were his friends. On October 22 he wrote a long letter
to Maj. Gen. James G. Harbord, who was back in the States. In the letter
Patton bitterly condemned the Morgenthau policy; Eisenhower's
pusillanimous behavior in the face of Jewish demands; the strong
pro‑Soviet bias in the press; and the politicization, corruption,
degradation, and demoralization of the U.S. Army which these things were
causing.
He saw the demoralization of the Army as a deliberate goal of America's
enemies: "I have been just as furious as you at the compilation of lies
which the communist and Semitic elements of our government have leveled
against me and practically every other commander. In my opinion it is a
deliberate attempt to alienate the soldier vote from the commanders,
because the communists know that soldiers are not communistic, and they
fear what eleven million votes (of veterans) would do."
His denunciation of the politicization of the Army was scathing: "All the
general officers in the higher brackets receive each morning from the War
Department a set of American (newspaper) headlines, and, with the sole
exception of myself, they guide themselves during the ensuing day by what
they have read in the papers. . . ."
In his letter to Harbord, Patton also revealed his own plans to fight
those who were destroying the morale and integrity of the Army and
endangering America's future by not opposing the growing Soviet might:
"It is my present thought . . . that when I finish this job, which will
be around the first of the year, I shall resign, not retire, because if I
retire I will still have a gag in my mouth . . . I should not start a
limited counterattack, which would be contrary to my military theories,
but should wait until I can start an all‑out offensive . . . ."
Two months later, on December 23, 1945, General George S. Patton was
silenced forever.
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AuthorReplyE.T.
(no login)
Re: GENERAL PATTON'S WARNING
September 23 2002, 1:13 PM
GENERAL PATTON TAKEN SHORTLY BEFORE HIS UNTIMLEY DEATH.
Patton, however, was not ready to rest on his laurels. He requested a
transfer to the Pacific theatre so he could fight the Japanese. The
request was, of course, denied, respectfully. The mind boggles at the
thought of Patton serving under Macarthur! One congressman even proposed
that Patton be made Secretary of War, but Patton's lack of diplomacy
guaranteed the suggestion was never taken seriously. Back in Germany,
while on occupation duty after a visit to the States during which he was
welcomed with parades as a conquering hero, Patton's outspokenness got
him into trouble yet again when he tried justifying the use of ex‑Nazis
in important administrative positions during the occupation of Bavaria.
Patton had also been willing to make known his view that the United
States and Britain should re‑arm the Germans and fight the Russians.
As a result of his ''unofficial'' remarks, he was relieved of the
command of his beloved 3rd Army.Though he had been showered with honours
when he had returned to the United States, there was obviously a great
deal of discussion in Washington about what to do with Patton now that
the war was over. Invaluable in war, Patton's temperament was somewhat
of a liability in peacetime. In many ways, it would have been fitting
for Patton the warrior to have died on the battlefield, but that was not
to be. Despite the fact that throughout his military career he had
constantly exposed himself to danger, it was a traffic accident, not a
bullet, which took Patton's life. In December 1945, his car was hit by a
truck and he was severely injured. On 21 December he died from these
injures and was buried in Luxembourg a country which still considers
George S. Patton its liberator.
http://members.ozemail.com.au/~mickay/patton.htm